Friday, August 19, 2011

Comparing Europeans

 

Ready for the big bang?

By Nikos Vatopoulos

The riots in England sparked a flurry of commentary in Greece, most of which, in an effort to understand the complex web of causes that created this explosion, concluded more or less with one common theme: comparing the reaction of the average Greek to that of the average English person to a situation that has diverged from the day-to-day.

Of course this was not the first time that the people of Britain have kept a cool head during a crisis and shown a willingness to contribute toward its resolution.

In the 1970s, during one of the worst financial periods in the country’s recent history, the British were happy to keep their lights switched off and light candles instead, even in shops.

“Keep calm and carry on” is the motto.

For Greeks, in stark contrast to the average levelheaded Briton, any break from what each individual has come to view as his or her version of normalcy, sends shock waves through the entire social and political system. This effect is much more pronounced in 2011, when people are really in the trenches and the changes are coming at them so fast and so unpredictably that even the British are caught unawares.

The important thing, however, is not to do everything you can to dodge the unpredictable, firstly because it’s unavoidable by its very nature and secondly because there is a lot you may end up missing out on in the process.

The issue is about how you react to a situation that comes out of nowhere and changes the tempo of your life.

Here, it is not the leadership of a country that will be judged by its reaction, but the nation.

Composure, it is well known, is nowhere among the many virtues of Greeks. Does this mean that they have some kind of natural bent for self-destruction, just like the British have a natural inclination for balance?

Being drawn to the bad and feeling the urge to destroy anything that has been painstakingly constructed is an intrinsic element of human nature. We have seen both manifested on many different occasions in Europe and we will most probably see them manifested again.

But if the world is in the process of experiencing a big bang, then where will we stand? Huddled in some corner trying to avoid the meteor shower or choosing to do something productive instead?

ekathimerini.com , Friday August 12, 2011 (22:23)  

To the Germans

By Nikos Konstandaras

This is not a time to flatter the Germans, nor to accuse them of past wrongs and present obsessions, nor to plead with them. We are neither friends nor enemies - we are partners. And though we are in the same boat, we hear more and more often that many Germans – from top policy makers to media moralists and opinion polls – would like to see Greece sink, like Plato’s Atlantis. The European Union, the greatest achievement of collective humanity, is being jeopardized by the loss of nerve of a handful of politicians and economists, in Germany, in Greece, throughout our wary continent. And this at a time when simply sticking to the course hewn over the past years, with the necessary adjustments demanded by the time, may lead to a society larger, wealthier and even more beneficial to its members.

Certainly, the Greeks have done all that they can to alienate their partners: first by losing their bearings on account of the unprecedented peace and prosperity that EU membership brought a nation that repeatedly had to fight long and bloody wars for independence and unity, whose harsh land was geared toward creating thinkers, warriors and sailors rather than good middle-class burghers; second, through the tireless efforts of Greek zealots, who are not a few, to portray Greece as a country that wants only to take, and bothers neither with shows of gratitude nor with personal or collective responsibility. What is happening in Greece today is the very difficult process of a society having to sort out the good and the bad and trying to build on the good, when, for generations (if not eons) individuals have been conditioned by the dogma, “my side, right or wrong.” Dividing lines now run between members of the same political parties, of families, even within individuals – between those who are furious by the loss of the utopia of borrowed wealth and those who want to push ahead with the reforms that will make Greece achieve its potential both as a country that respects its citizens and as a valuable member of the European Union. What is at stake is all that the responsible citizens of Greece have built, the savings they deposited when their country and compatriots borrowed, and the future of their children. Is this not what most Germans worry about as well? This is why we need the greatest solidarity between us – the battle being waged in Greece is at the heart of the debate in every country.

The great divide of our times is not between nations nor ideologies, but between different mentalities at a continental level. Beyond nationalists of the left and right, are there many serious people who can argue that any country is better off outside the EU than within it? It is increasingly evident that more unites serious Greeks and Germans than that which divides their more selfish and simplistic compatriots.

Unification, like independence, has always been achieved through blood and treasure; in today’s Europe, though, we can do this through negotiation. We Europeans are in the most privileged position to be able to form our closer union without any fundamental disagreements or bellicosity. We all agree on the paramount importance of our democratic principles and the benefits of our symbiotic and, in many ways, osmotic relationship. It is natural that not all our countries are at the same level with regard to wealth, democratic maturity and productivity. Did we really expect that more than 500 million citizens of dozens of nations could come together without any lapses, without complaints, without frustration, downright anger and wrong turns? What we have achieved is more than we could have expected, success is within sight; how can we jeopardize it all? How can Greek union leaders still hold their country back – a country with unemployment touching on 17 percent? How can German policy makers make comments that can only lead the markets to keep questioning their will to save the euro and the union?

Today, individuals are empowered as never before but nations are more vulnerable to forces beyond their control and the world needs pillars of stability. The United States, the economic and military superpower has its own problems, which, in a way, mirror the European inequality between rich and poor, “productive” and “lazy.” The growing but untested powers of China and India face their own social and economic imbalances. Europe has fewer fundamental flaws but is showing a frightening loss of confidence in itself as a superpower in the face of challenges that were only to be expected.

These are not issues that can be determined by opinion polls and populism. They do not have the same weight as everyday political anxieties. Times demand collective efforts and personal responsibility, from all Europeans. Those who are in a position to lead must do so with determination, and the others must do what they can to help. So let’s pull together.

ekathimerini.com , Sunday August 14, 2011 (19:31)  

Comparing government reactions

By Angelos Stangos

It is neither easy nor politically correct to isolate the societal causes that contributed to the riots in England from the government’s reaction to them. It is also irrational to compare those events with the causes behind the recent unrest in Greece and the respective reaction by the Greek government.

While the poor in England have historically been defined by a general lack of professional or social upward mobility, explaining the “sudden” explosion of anger, the same cannot be said of similar explosions in Greece, as the fate of low-income Greeks so far remains brighter than that of their English counterparts.

However, if we venture to compare the reaction to the riots, destruction, looting and violence by the British government to that of Athens, the difference is massive.

On the one hand, from the very start the UK government did not budge an inch -- over social, political or even generational factors -- when it came to imposing the law. In Athens, the law was constantly undermined by statements expressing understanding for the rage of the Indignant movement or the troublemakers. In London, the government showed that it was determined to maintain law and order, whereas in Athens, the usual guilt syndrome was stronger than the government’s will to provide safety and security, even when the violence reached its zenith.

To take the comparison further, the British government displayed no fear over whether clashes between the rioters and the police would result in victims that would then take a toll on its popularity, in stark contrast to Athens. At the same time, there was little fuss about the methods used by the British police to quell the riots, whereas in Greece, populist voices bayed for them to shower the rioters with petals and let them go on their merry way. In Britain, the courts stayed open overnight during the period of the riots in order to pass swift judgment on the guilt or innocence of rioters that had been arrested. Needless to say the same was not the case in Athens.

The biggest difference, however, was that in London citizens rushed to clean up the mess, while in Athens and Thessaloniki they showed their support for the cleanup effort with complete indifference.

There are many conclusions that can be drawn from the comparison, but one thing is certain: Christos Papoutsis would never be made citizens’ protection minister in Britain.

ekathimerini.com , Thursday August 11, 2011 (17:52)